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How Bahrain Makes Friends While Repressing Its People [Muftah (MENA)](Muftah (MENA) Via Acquire Media NewsEdge) John Horne During a trip to India in February, Bahrain's King Hamad Al Khalifa visited Mahatma Gandhi's shrine. The King praised Gandhi as someone "who believed in his cause, which he pursued until it was realised". Gandhi's cause, of course, was gaining independence for India against British colonial rule. Bahrain, too, gained independence from Britain in 1971, following a decades long struggle by its citizens. However, King Hamad has suggested that Bahrain's ruling family were not so keen on independence. At a reception held in his honour last May, the King told assembled British dignitaries that his father (the former ruler) had said at the time: "Why? No one asked you to go!" Following Bahrain's nominal independence, popular uprisings began to occur roughly once a decade, seeking genuine democracy and the wresting of power away from the ruling family. Many leaders of the country's current uprising – like Abdulhadi AlKhawaja, Nabeel Rajab and Ibrahim Sharif – are trapped behind bars for their relentless activism. On the same day that King Hamad toured Ghandi's shrine and praised his streadfastness, Zainab AlKhawaja, a human rights defender recently released from jail, told an interviewer: "We started on a path, and we're determined to continue on it until we reach our goal." Zainab's words carry the conviction of a woman willing to suffer and endure for a better tomorrow. King Hamad's comments, however, appear as little more than a public facade to woo his Indian audience. The tension between the two – presentation versus praxis – is emblematic of how the Bahraini regime has tried to convince the world through words, not actions, that it is committed to reform. Many nations, cynically or otherwise, have allied themselves to King Hamad, preferring to turn a blind eye to the vision of those like Zainab who are struggling for genuine democratic transformation. Bahrain has been in political and social crisis for over three years. The beginning of the unrest is typically understood to be February 14th, 2011, the date when Bahrain's citizens joined regional uprisings seeking democracy, socio-economic justice, and respect for human rights. The government responded with a brutal crackdown and 'invited' neighboring states to intervene to help in the suppression. But, this increase in repressive measures pre-dates 2011 and was a significant driver of the uprising. Just three-days before the February 14th protests, Amnesty International issued a scathing report on Bahrain's "serious human rights violations" and the deteriorating situation there. In October 2010, Joe Stork from Human Rights Watch observed, "What we are seeing in Bahrain these days is a return to full-blown authoritarianism." He was referring to the crackdown on activists, media, and civil society ahead of local elections later that month. Throughout this period of increasing instability, Bahrain's government has worked to shore up old allies and forge new ones, as a means of obtaining impunity for its repressive actions. At the same time, it has made numerous claims of reform. These claims, however, largely ring hollow. The state's ongoing use of torture, extrajudicial killing, arbitrary arrest , and excessive force as it continues to suppress popular dissent undermines the government narrative of reform. Yet, despite mounting reports criticizing its multiple human rights abuses, including the "detention, abuse and torture of children," the government has largely escaped international censure or sanction. Indeed, its leaders have increasingly tried to position Bahrain as a " beacon of democracy ," an " oasis of human rights," and the " ideal gateway" to the region for international business and finance. Millions have been spent on Western PR firms to promote this image. This mirage has proved appealing for many nations, who are drawn toward the tiny Kingdom for strategic and commercial reasons. The government's pursuit of repression over reform, however, is taking Bahrain down an unstable path. Beyond the political turmoil and human rights crisis, the country's economy is suffering and its national debt is reaching a crisis point. As such, the government has sought to drum up investment and support through high-profile visits overseas by the King, Crown Prince, and Prime Minister (referred to as the " wise leadership" in state media). Whilst not forgetting its traditional overseas allies in the West and Middle East and North Africa region, this outreach includes a notable shift to Asia, with trips to South Korea, China, Malaysia, Thailand, India and Pakistan , and a forthcoming visit to Japan. This interest in South Asia also reflects the government's strategy to shore up support from the country's large non-Bahraini population. According to a 2012 Human Rights Watch report, Bahrain "has just over 458,000 migrant workers, about 77 percent of the total work force." The vast majority of these workers, who suffer "many forms of abuse and exploitation", are South Asian. A large section of Bahrain's security forces have also been recruited from overseas, particularly from Pakistan. This situation has created tensions on multiple fronts. Socio-economic justice has been a key opposition demand during both current and historic uprisings, as many Bahrainis living in villages outside the capital, Manama, endure poor living conditions and high unemployment. Their dire circumstances have been exacerbated by foreign workers who have absorbed a substantial amount of the country's paid employment. Government organized NGO's have worked to exploit this wedge, by using their access to local media and other forums to denigrate the opposition whilst praising the ruling family, ensuring that critical voices remain marginalized. For example, the Bahrain Federation of Expatriate Associations, claims to represent "more than 51% of the total population" of Bahrain – the entire expat community. In December, it held a "Thank You Bahrain" day under the patronage of the King's son, Shaikh Nasser, as a public display of "loyalty" to the government. More corrosively, the government has used the naturalization foreign residents as a political tactic to skew the country's demographics. Whilst precise figures are hard to establish due to a lack of Government transparency, Freedom House estimated in 2012 that up to 100,000 individuals have been granted citizenship in the past 15 years. This includes 20,000 Saudi Arabians from the al-Dawasir tribe "Bahraini nationality and public housing in return for voting in the October [2002] election.". This figure has likely increased over recent years as a result of this continued strategy. Indeed, last year King Hamad revealed that he had granted citizenship to 240 British nationals for their "loyal service." The sense that citizenship is a privilege not a right was exacerbated when 31 opposition members were stripped of theirs in 2012. Bahrain's government has also sought to secure regional support and prestige. Despite its atrocious domestic record, it will soon be host to a "pan-Arab court of human rights". In 2012, it controversially managed to secure a position for itself on the United Nations Human Rights Council's Advisory Committee, after lobbying voting states to support its bid. It also holds an annual "Manama Dialogue" event, attracting senior government and military figures "from over 20 countries [...] with security interests in the Gulf." The recent event featured both the U.S. Defense Secretary and British Foreign Secretary. Indeed, "security" has been a key theme in Bahrain's relationships with regional states. Notwithstanding recent tensions, the ruling family staunchly advocates for the continued integrity of the Gulf Cooperation Council, seeing formalized co-operation between Gulf states as "a necessity" for protection against "international instability." Over recent months, the government has also worked to strengthen security ties with regional allies, such as Morocco, Egypt, Turkey and Jordan. This emphasis on security also ensures that Bahrain remains a key market for arms and 'counter-terror' equipment, acting as a useful customer for Western states keen to boost exports in the wake of the global recession. In 2012, the United States resumed arms sales to Bahrain, having previously frozen a weapons deal worth $53 million during the 2011 unrest. The U.K. also quickly resumed arms exports and is currently trying to sell Bahrain 12 Typhoon warplanes worth an estimated £1 billion. The British government has regularly invited Bahraini officials to arms fairs in the U.K. and strongly supported the Bahrain International Airshow in 2012 and 2014. Canada saw an opportunity in Bahrain as well: its arms exports to the country increased "from zero in 2011 to $250,000 in 2012." Bahrain is very conscious of the strategic role it can offer to Western defense interests, particularly concerning Iran. From the start of the current uprising, the government tried to portray the conflict as sectarian in nature, re-framing civic grievances as Shi'a demands instigated by Iran. Because it appealed to Western and regional allies for support along these lines, it largely received a positive response. However, following the election of President Hassan Rouhani last summer and resultant thawing of relations between Iran and the West, Bahrain's bellicose rhetoric is no longer in lockstep with the Western establishment. Regardless, Bahrain's ruling family recognizes that continued U.S. and U.K. military presence in the country is a vital quid-pro-quo to ensuring its survival. Most significantly, Bahrain is host to the U.S. Fifth Fleet, America's key naval base in the region. The United States is also considering Bahrain as headquarters for a new Middle East "quick reaction force." As academic Justin Gengler recently noted, the base, which "is undergoing [a] $580 million expansion", "roams Middle East waterways [...], serving as a platform for the air war in Afghanistan and protecting shipping lanes for the global oil trade." As such, America has no wish to see the Bahraini ruling family go. According to British peer Lord Lamont, in 2011 a "very well-known senior American politician made it quite clear" to him "that there would be no change to the regime or fundamental political change in Bahrain" because of U.S. interests in maintaining the naval base. Even before the start of the recent uprising, America was well aware of King Hamad's keen desire to maintain the base as well. In January 2010 the king told the U.S. ambassador he wanted to ensure its presence "for the next fifty years." Unsurprisingly, the Bahraini opposition has been critical of U.S. support for the government. America has, however, also come under sustained attack from loyalist factions, including a 2013 campaign by pro-government political societies to expel the U.S. ambassador for his perceived "meddling in Bahrain's internal affairs." The U.S. Congress' recent approval of $3 million in funds for "democracy and governance" programs in Bahrain will likely increase this ire. It also points toward America's keen interest in influencing a nominal reform process, lest it find itself frozen out by loyalist and opposition factions. The British government has been far more overt in its support for Bahrain. In January, it held "GREAT British Week," which was "designed to emphasize the friendship and strong bilateral relationship between the United Kingdom and Bahrain", whilst also acting as a showcase for British companies. Indeed, the U.K. views Bahrain as a key export location and "financial and banking hub," giving Britain "access to regional, African and Indian markets." According to the U.K. ambassador, when King Hamad told Prime Minister David Cameron he wanted "more British companies winning business in Bahrain," Cameron replied that it was "music to his ears." The U.K. government is also providing hands-on support to Bahrain's judicial, policing, and prison systems, with British police twice deployed since 2011 to assist Bahrain's security forces. Also, like the U.S., Britain is expanding its naval presence in Bahrain. The U.S. and U.K. are trying to shepherd Bahrain's political system back to a largely pre-2011 status quo, albeit with power-sharing concessions to the opposition. A central aim in this regard has been to remove the prime minister, who has been serving in this position since 1971, and empower the Crown Prince to take on a greater leadership role. To date, there has been little public progress on this and attempts at formal dialogue with the opposition have failed to advance. Many in the opposition – who continue 2011's chant of "Down With Hamad" – are opposed to reconciliation with a ruling family responsible for repression, whilst loyalist hardliners similarly reject any dialogue at all. The absence of significant public pressure from Bahrain's allies, as they protect their commercial and strategic interests, has given the Gulf state political cover to continue its repressive practices. The former U.S. ambassador to the UN Human Rights Council, for example, recently revealed that in 2011 they "weren't really supposed to utter the word 'Bahrain'" because of Washington's interests in the country. There are, however, growing signs that Bahrain's recent actions are starting to catch up with it, as local and international NGOs challenge states that have contributed to the crackdown. South Korea recently prevented two firms from exporting a huge shipment of 3-million tear gas canisters to Bahrain, following an international campaign to ' Stop the Shipment .' Korea had been a dependable supplier of tear gas, providing 1.5 million units since 2011. But Bahrain used these weapons recklessly and excessively, resulting in 39 deaths, at least one of which was attributable to a Korean canister. Korea's export agency cited "unstable politics in the country, people's death due to tear gas and complaints from human rights groups" as its reasons for rejecting new export requests by the two companies. U.S. manufactured tear gas canisters were also heavily used (and misused) in Bahrain throughout 2011, resulting in the State Department suspending any further exports of "crowd control" equipment to the country in May 2012. Germany and South Africa have come under similar scrutiny. The use of tear gas made by Rheinmetall Denel Munition, which is financially controlled in Germany but manufactured in South Africa, has been regularly documented in Bahrain from mid-2011 onwards. The firm denies selling directly to Bahrain, and it is possible the weapons entered the country through a third party. This appears to have been the case with Brazilian company Condor Non-Lethal Technologies, whose tear gas canisters were regularly documented as being used in Bahrain in 2011 and 2012. Condor admits to selling to other countries in the region, but a promised investigation by the Brazilian government into how the tear gas entered Bahrain never materialized. With many individual states sacrificing their purported democratic and human rights values for their commercial and security interests in Bahrain, intergovernmental and supranational bodies are serving as forums for external pressure. The European Parliament recently unanimously passed a resolution on Bahrain condemning human rights violations and making a series of strong recommendations for change. In 2012, 28 countries submitted a joint statement to the UN Human Rights Council raising concerns over Bahrain's record. That was supplemented the following year by a statement from the Council signed by 47 countries, including the U.S. and U.K. The situation in Bahrain is not improving. Indeed, as Human Rights Watch recently noted, "Bahrain's human rights record regressed further in key areas in 2013 and the government made little real progress regarding reforms it claimed to pursue." To date, international public criticism, and pressure to change, has largely come from NGOs. States continue to view Bahrain as a useful ally and, when pressed, express confidence in the ruling family's ability and willingness to reform. In doing so, they only help to perpetuate gross human rights abuses, authoritarian rule, a culture of impunity, and instability. A different, democratic, Bahrain is possible. But it requires, in part, that nations stop propping up the corrupt system. (c) 2014 Muftah. All rights reserved. Provided by Syndigate.info, an Albawaba.com company |